Category Archives: Recent Case Law

What is a complete system of legal remedies and procedures? Judgment of the CJEU in Mincu Pătrașcu Brâncuși v. EPPO

After G.K. and Others and EPPO (judicial review of procedural acts), Mincu Pătrașcu Brâncuși v EPPO (C-328/24 P, 16.4.2026) is another case in which the CJEU clarified the particular structure of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO), as provided by Regulation 2017/1939 implementing enhanced cooperation on the establishment of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (“the Regulation”).

The importance of this case lies in the fact that it confirms, through detailed reasoning, the key role played by national courts in ensuring an effective judicial review of procedural acts by the EPPO which produce legal effects vis-à-vis third parties.

In the present case, the appellant challenged Article 42(1) of the Regulation, the first sentence of which provides that procedural acts of the EPPO that are intended to produce legal effects vis-à-vis third parties shall be subject to review by the competent national courts in accordance with the requirements and procedures laid down by national law.

The appellant had brought an action before the General Court against a decision by the EPPO referring his case to trial. The General Court dismissed the action on the ground that, having regard to Article 42(1) of the Regulation, it lacked jurisdiction to hear and determine it. Before the CJEU, the appellant challenged that dismissal. He contested Article 42(1), arguing that denying the General Court jurisdiction over such EPPO acts violated his right to an effective remedy and to a fair trial, as guaranteed by Article 47 of the EU-Charter.

The CJEU dismissed the appeal. After emphasizing that Article 86(3) TFEU expressly allows the EU legislature to determine the rules applicable to the judicial review of procedural measures taken by the EPPO, it noted the substantial level of integration of the EPPO within the Member States’ systems of criminal procedure (§ 70). Because the legal effects of EPPO acts were largely determined by national law, national courts were “best suited” to carry out judicial review of these procedural acts (§ 82). Article 42 thus established a specialized system in which national courts review procedural acts, while EU courts retain exclusive jurisdiction over administrative decisions, data protection issues, and decisions to dismiss a case (where challenged on EU law grounds).

Accordingly, Article 42(1) was held to be fully consistent with the complete system of legal remedies and procedures designed to ensure judicial review of the legality of EU acts, as established by the TFEU (§ 100). In particular, this provision was found to respect the right to effective judicial protection guaranteed by Article 47 of the EU-Charter, since it ensured the procedural fairness and the rights of the defence of persons affected by the procedural acts of the EPPO (§ 98).

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Having regard to the hybrid structure of the EPPO system, the repeated reference by the CJEU to the “complete system of legal remedies and procedures designed to ensure judicial review of the legality of EU acts” (§§ 66 and 100) would appear to take on a special significance. In the highly specific context of hybrid EU institutions which rely extensively on national institutions applying national law, one may legitimately question whether the system of judicial protection concerning EPPO acts, as described by the CJEU, is in fact as complete as the CJEU suggests.

This question arises because the CJEU’s description entirely omits the impact of the European Convention on Human Rights on domestic judges applying their own national law by virtue of Article 42 of the Regulation, thereby implicitly suggesting that the completeness of judicial protection in this field results solely from the interaction between national law and EU law.

The reality, however, is different. As the CJEU itself emphasizes, the reason why national courts have jurisdiction over the procedural acts covered by Article 42(1) of the Regulation lies in the substantial level of integration of the EPPO within the Member States’ systems of criminal procedure (§ 70). In practice, national courts are likely to be involved far more frequently than EU courts in litigation concerning EPPO acts, since Article 42(1) of the Regulation grants them exclusive jurisdiction over all procedural acts of the EPPO affecting persons directly targeted by those acts. As expressly provided by Article 42(1), their review is to be conducted in accordance with the requirements and procedures laid down by national law.

Procedural fairness and the rights of the defence can be expected to play a central role in this type of litigation (§ 98). Yet, at national level, these matters are to a very large extent governed by the Convention, in particular Article 6 thereof, which constitutes a mandatory minimum level of protection that Member States remain free to enhance, including in response to EU law requirements.

First, national judges remain bound by the Convention when applying EU law and are therefore required to interpret and apply EU law consistently with the Convention (see, among others, Bivolaru and Moldovan v. France, § 103). Pending confirmation by the ECtHR, there is no reason why this would be any different when they apply their own national law pursuant to Article 42(1) of the Regulation.

Secondly, the Strasbourg case-law concerning the criminal limb of Article 6 of the Convention, developed over more than seventy years, is clearly far more extensive and detailed than the case-law so far developed by the CJEU on the basis of EU law, including Article 47 of the EU Charter and the Directives on procedural rights in criminal proceedings. For an overview of that case-law, see the Guide on Article 6 (criminal limb) by the Registry of the ECtHR.

It is therefore unsurprising that the CJEU relies extensively on Strasbourg case-law when interpreting these Directives and seeking to fill their numerous lacunae. Examples include VB II, Stachev, K.B. and F.S., Politseyski organ pri 02 RU SDVR, HYA and Others, HN and DD, Spetsializirana prokuratura, IS and the Opinion of Advocate General Ćapeta in European Commission v. Hungary and European Commission v. Czech Republic).

Thirdly, such reliance on the Convention is mandated by Article 52(3) of the EU-Charter, which imposes the Convention minimum standard across EU law, and by the non-regression clauses contained in those Directives..

Accordingly, the detailed minimum standards resulting from Strasbourg case-law in the field of criminal proceedings constitute an essential component of the “complete” protection of fundamental rights ensured at national level in respect of procedural acts of the EPPO which, however, the CJEU attributes solely to Articles 47 and 48 of the EU-Charter.

To disregard the contribution of the Convention in the context of hybrid institutions — where that contribution is not only indirectly required under EU law but is also necessary because of the lacunae of EU law in this field — is therefore even more problematic than elsewhere. More than in any other context, hybrid institutions demonstrate that the effects of EU law cannot adequately be understood in isolation from those of the Convention.

In other words, if the Convention is omitted from the description of the system of judicial protection, that system can be regarded as “complete” only in a very formal sense and from the perspective of EU law alone. From a substantive and holistic domestic perspective, however, it remains incomplete, thereby creating a risk of misunderstanding.

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That said, as long as the EU will not have acceded to the Convention (on this accession, see The European Commission requests an Opinion by the CJEU), the protection afforded by the Convention will itself remain incomplete with regard to hybrid institutions involving EU officials operating within a domestic legal context. As noted in a previous post concerning W.S. and Others v. Frontex:

From a Convention perspective, these hybrid constructions operating within the territory and jurisdiction of the Member States represent a new situation. It is no longer a Bosphorus-type scenario in which national authorities are the sole bodies responsible for applying EU law and thereby ensuring the full application of the Convention to all actions undertaken by them, even when those actions are based on EU law. Instead, full coverage by the Convention is being replaced by a “patchwork coverage”, with gaps in the Convention’s applicability emerging where actions within the jurisdiction of the Member States are carried out by EU entities or officers acting on behalf of the EU itself and therefore not subject to the Convention.

This marks the end of the complete Convention protection as described by the ECtHR in the following terms:

“Article 1 of the Convention requires the High Contracting Parties to “secure to everyone within their jurisdiction the rights and freedoms defined in … [the] Convention”. Article 1 makes no distinction as to the type of rule or measure concerned, and does not exclude any part of the member States’ “jurisdiction” from scrutiny under the Convention.” (among many others: Matthews v. the United Kingdom, § 29).

These new gaps in the Convention protection make the case for accession by the EU to the Convention even more compelling (see Accession of the EU to the ECHR: a logical response to the optionality of the ECHR in EU Law, p. 11 et seq.).

Judicial independence between the power of the facts and the power of the law? Judgment of the CJEU in Rzecznik Praw Obywatelskich

Rzecznik Praw Obywatelskich (Recusal of a judge of ordinary jurisdiction) (C-521/21, 24/03/2026) represents another instalment in the sequence of judgments addressing the rule of law crisis in Poland. This time, however, the focus is not on the procedure for the appointment of judges, but on the recusal of a judge appointed by a procedure which both the CJEU and the ECtHR have found to be incompatible with the right to an independent and impartial tribunal established by law.

The particular background to this ruling is the challenge resulting from the fact that currently around 30 % of the Polish judiciary – some 3,000 judges – have been appointed according to that same irregular procedure (§ 58). The present ruling is an attempt by the CJEU to come to terms with the consequences of this situation for the Polish judicial system in general and for the proper functioning of the preliminary ruling mechanism in particular. The CJEU thereby invokes the case-law of the ECtHR but in a way which perhaps raises more questions than it answers.

The CJEU’s ruling

In the course of the main proceedings, which concerned a claim under a contract for services, the defendant applied for the recusal of Judge S.C. He argued that the judge was not validly appointed because the resolution for her appointment had been adopted by the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) in its new composition, the latter being at the root of the lack of independence of the judges appointed according to this procedure. The referring court expressed doubts about this appointment and about its own jurisdiction under EU law to deal with this recusal request.

In substance, the CJEU ruled that EU law and the principle of primacy preclude national legislation and constitutional case-law which grant exclusive jurisdiction to a body to adjudicate on recusal applications while depriving that body of the power to actually examine the lawfulness of the appointment. The national court hearing the recusal application must disapply these restrictions and carry out the examination itself to determine if the judge meets the requirement of a tribunal previously established by law.

The CJEU also held that the appointment of a judge recommended by a non-independent body, i.e. the KRS, and the lack of an effective judicial remedy for other candidates does not, in itself, preclude the judge from being considered an independent and impartial tribunal. For such an appointment to fail the requirements of EU law, there must be other relevant contextual factors attending the procedure that are of such gravity that, when taken together, they call into question the judge’s independence or impartiality.

Observations

From a Convention point of view, this ruling calls for two series of observations, on the methodology applied by the CJEU and on its approach in respect of the systemic nature of the irregular judicial appointments in Poland.

On the methodology: context-based approach or essence-based approach?

To date, judicial independence has been an area in which a high degree of harmony could be observed between the two European Courts. This convergence is particularly visible in their approach to the ongoing rule-of-law crisis in Poland, including their understanding of the core requirements of such principles as the rule of law, the separation of powers, effective judicial protection, and the independence and impartiality of judges (see W.Ż). These foundational principles are restated in paragraphs 41 to 50 of Rzecznik.

The CJEU and the ECtHR also agree on the need not to be overly formalistic in assessing compliance with these principles, emphasizing that not every procedural or legal error should automatically entail consequences (§ 76; Guðmundur Andri Ástráðsson v. Iceland, § 246, quoted below).

However, some differences appear as regards the methodology flowing from this premise. The CJEU indeed goes for an overall assessment of the impugned appointment procedure which takes into account the broader context in which the alleged breaches occur, thereby having regard to their nature and gravity. It comes down to finding out whether taken together, the factors making up the context of an appointment as judge create in the minds of individuals a reasonable doubt as to the imperviousness of that judge to external factors (§§ 77-78).

Thus, according to the CJEU, the appointment of a judge recommended by a non-independent body, i.e. the KRS, and the lack of an effective judicial remedy for other candidates does not, in itself, preclude the judge from being considered an independent and impartial tribunal. For such an appointment to fail the requirements of EU law, there must be other relevant contextual factors attending the procedure that are of such gravity that, when taken together, they call into question the judge’s independence or impartiality.

The CJEU itself applied this methodology to the case of the judge being recused before the referring court, thereby also considering such factual circumstances as the absence of judicial challenges to the impugned appointment and the professional record of the judge since his/her appointment (§§ 89-92).

With this context-based approach, the CJEU seems to be shifting from its previous position which more closely relied on the Strasbourg approach, as in W.Ż. The ECtHR indeed goes for an essence-based approach, which comes down to finding out, through a three-step methodology, whether the very essence of the right to a tribunal established by law has been irretrievably undermined by a judicial appointment. Factual circumstances are not among the criteria used by the ECtHR in this context. In Guðmundur Andri Ástráðsson v. Iceland the ECtHR stated:

Breaches of a purely technical nature that have no bearing on the legitimacy of the appointment process must be considered to fall below the relevant threshold. To the contrary, breaches that wholly disregard the most fundamental rules in the appointment procedure – such as, for instance, the appointment of a person as judge who did not fulfil the relevant eligibility criteria – or breaches that may otherwise undermine the purpose and effect of the “established by law” requirement, as interpreted by the Court, must be considered to contravene that requirement.” (§ 246; to the same effect, see also Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v. Poland).

Thus, while Strasbourg and Luxembourg have the same concerns, they differ in their methodology. Do these differences really matter? At any rate, even if they do not seem radical, they have at least the potential to create some confusion in the minds of national judges – who are indeed bound to apply EU law in conformity with the Convention (see, to that effect, inter alia Bivolaru and Moldovan v. France, § 103) – as to the criteria which are decisive in assessing whether an irregular judicial appointment undermines or not the independence and impartiality of a judge.

For example, one striking difference in this context is the role played by appearances. Whereas, in assessing the independence and impartiality of judges, the CJEU does rely on the role of appearances and on the importance of reasonable doubts created by these appearances (§§ 70, 71, 74, 76, 78), the ECtHR here follows a different line of reasoning. While it very much relies on appearances in assessing the impartiality of judges (see most recently Tsatani v. Greece, § 65), it adopts a different approach when assessing the independence of courts. In Guðmundur Andri Ástráðsson v. Iceland, § 247, the ECtHR indeed stated:

The Court accordingly takes the view that only those breaches that relate to the fundamental rules of the procedure for appointing judges – that is, breaches that affect the essence of the right to a “tribunal established by law” – are likely to result in a violation of that right … In particular, as the Chamber rightly pointed out, the Court “must look behind appearances and ascertain whether a breach of the applicable national rules on the appointment of judges created a real risk that the other organs of Government, in particular the executive, [could exercise] undue discretion undermining the integrity of the appointment process to an extent not envisaged by the national rules in force at the material time.”

One may wonder whether the European Courts, by adopting such conflicting positions, ultimately undermine rather than reinforce fundamental rights, as their joint application becomes increasingly difficult for national judges.

On the systemic nature of the irregular appointments: the power of the facts vs. the power of the law?

However, the bigger novelty of Rzecznik would appear to be the approach proposed by the CJEU for addressing the systemic nature of the problem arising from the around 3,000 Polish judges who have been irregularly appointed, such as Judge S.C. in the present case, making up some 30 % of the current judiciary in that country.

At the heart of this issue is a fundamental tension. On the one hand, there is the need to uphold the principle of separation of powers and to ensure compliance with the requirements of judicial independence. On the other hand, however, there is a pressing concern to preserve the continuity and effectiveness of the administration of justice in a situation characterised by the fact that 30 % of the current judges have been irregularly appointed. This latter consideration is particularly salient with regard to the preliminary ruling mechanism, the proper functioning of which risks being seriously affected, if nothing changes, by the jurisprudence declaring inadmissible requests originating from improperly composed courts, such as the CERPA (§§ 61, 63, 85).

As a way out of this dilemma, the CJEU now interprets the second subparagraph of Article 19(1) TEU as imposing on the Polish “legal order” an obligation to establish a legislative framework enabling an assessment, having regard to the nature and gravity of the procedural defects, of whether individuals irregularly appointed to judicial office may continue to exercise their functions. While this obligation goes with a broad margin of discretion for national authorities, it is not without limits: the assessment must be guided by objective criteria and must ensure sufficient guarantees of independence and impartiality (§§ 63-65).

The direction of travel seems clear: the independence requirements should be softened to avoid the permanent exclusion of significant parts of the Polish judiciary from access to the preliminary ruling mechanism, with consequences for the interpretation of EU law in Poland.

Though perfectly understandable, this approach raises quite a few questions, not least on the substantive content of such criteria, the determination of which is left in the hands of the national “legal order”, even though this is about an EU law issue. Yet, it may be assumed that the contextual factors referred to by the CJEU in relation to Judge S.C. (§§ 91-92) are intended to inform this national determination.

In any event, the CJEU’s reasoning appears to open the door to a shift in paradigm: from institutional and procedural guarantees of independence towards an assessment of factual circumstances, such as the personal professional conduct of the judge concerned, as a potential substitute or corrective mechanism. The power of the facts vs. the power of the law?

Interestingly, in support of this approach, the CJEU relies on the pilot-judgment procedure applied by the ECtHR in Wałęsa v. Poland under Article 46 of the Convention (§ 62). However, a closer look reveals that the two European Courts do not entirely converge on this point.

In Wałęsa, the ECtHR endorsed the indications given to Poland by the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe following previous judgments against Poland. In this context, the Polish authorities are ordered to adopt measures addressing “the status of all judges appointed in the deficient procedure involving the [KRS] as constituted under the 2017 Amending Act and of decisions adopted with their participation” (§ 329). Thus, the ECtHR and the Committee of Ministers are less explicit than the CJEU on whether the envisaged legislative framework should specifically aim at allowing irregularly appointed judges to continue to perform their duties. Not least because the ECtHR has no preliminary ruling mechanism to preserve as the CJEU has.

The ECtHR also emphasised: “It goes without saying that the Polish State must ensure that the issues pertaining to the independence of judges are determined by a court or courts which are themselves an ‘independent and impartial tribunal established by law’ in the light of the Convention standards.” (§ 330)

Most importantly, under the Strasbourg pilot-judgment mechanism, compliance by the State with its obligations under Article 46 of the Convention is monitored by an external European body, the Committee of Ministers. One may wonder about the existence of any external supervision of compliance by Poland with its obligations flowing from the Rzecznik jurisprudence. Will this be a task for the European Commission or for the CJEU itself?

Finally, it should also be noted that the implementation of the ECtHR’s judgment in Wałęsa has been postponed: the initial deadline for the adoption of the required measures has been extended by the ECtHR, at the request of the Polish Government, until 23 November 2026 (see Comparing AW ‘T’ with Walesa v. Poland). Consequently, the coming into being of any legislative framework requested by the European Courts is likely to take more time.

In the interim, in the absence of a comprehensive legislative solution, the question arises whether the ordinary Polish judges dealing with recusal requests will find a way to combine the Luxembourg context-based approach with the Strasbourg essence-based approach. The importance of their challenging task can hardly be overestimated. What is at stake is nothing less than the future of judicial independence in Europe.

Conventional limits to EU law restrictions: when mutual trust meets human rights

The question whether EU law can impose limits on the operation of the European Convention on Human Rights has already been addressed in this blog, in connection with the GN case. This was about restrictions imposed by the CJEU on the executing judicial authority in dealing with European arrest warrants.

The present post is about restrictions imposed by the EU legislature on national authorities in dealing with applications for international protection by EU citizens. These restrictions too raise issues about their compatibility with the Convention and about how they should be handled by national judges who are themselves bound by the Convention.

The triggering event for this post is, for once, a judgment by a first-instance court, handed down on 10 October 2025: Decree 8445/2023 by the First Instance Court of Bologna (“the Bologna Tribunal”), Specialized Section on Immigration, International Protection and Free Movement of EU Citizens. Because it has not been possible, despite explicit requests to that effect, to be provided with the original Italian version of Decree 8445/2023, this post is based on the information provided about it by Dr. Chiara Scissa in a commentary recently published on EU Law Analysis and titled: “Mutual trust does not supersede human rights! Italian judges unprecedently recognize the refugee status to an EU citizen”. It can be assumed to be reliable and is sufficiently detailed for the purposes of this post.

Decree 8445/2023 is presented by Dr. Scissa as the first Italian judicial decision declaring admissible and well-founded an application for international protection by an EU citizen. While it may well be challenged on appeal, its methodology and reasoning are sufficiently interesting to call for some comments on a particular aspect of the interplay between EU law and the Convention: restrictions imposed by EU law on the admissibility of fundamental rights claims.

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The facts of the case can be summarized as follows. The applicant, a Hungarian national of Roma ethnicity defining herself as transgender, left her country following a long period of continuous violence, discrimination and abuses which she suffered because of her ethnicity and gender, and which were perpetrated both by society and her family members.

Her application for international protection was first rejected by the Territorial Commission for the Recognition of International Protection of Verona, which relied on Protocol No 24 to the TFEU, on asylum for nationals of Member States of the EU.

The sole Article of this Protocol provides that in view of the level of protection of fundamental rights by the Member States of the EU, these States shall be regarded as constituting safe countries of origin in respect of each other, with the consequence that applications for asylum by nationals of EU Member States may be taken into consideration or declared admissible for processing by another Member State only in four exceptional situations. These situations arise when either a Member State avails itself of Article 15 of the Convention (on derogations from the latter), or in the context of proceedings initiated under Article 7 TEU (risk of serious breach of the values referred to in Article 2 TEU), or else when a Member State unilaterally decides to examine an application by an EU national (safeguard clause).

On appeal by the applicant, the Bologna Tribunal quashed the decision of the Territorial Commission. It first assessed the admissibility of the application, thereby going to great lengths in trying to bring the case within the scope of one of the exceptions listed by Protocol No 24. To that effect, the Bologna Tribunal relied on the Resolution of 12 September 2018 by the European Parliament initiating a procedure under Article 7(1) TEU against Hungary. In Hungary v. European Parliament, at paragraphs 39-41, it found confirmation that this Resolution had initiated the procedure laid down in Article 7(1) TEU, which allowed a Member State by way of derogation, until any decision taken pursuant to Article 7(2) TEU, to take into consideration or declare admissible any application for asylum lodged by a national of the Member State which is the subject of that procedure.

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A first set of observations in this connection concerns the general approach followed by Protocol No 24.

It may indeed seem rather surprising that the admissibility of an application for international protection – by its very nature a matter to be decided in law – should be made dependent by Protocol No 24 on the existence of a what is in essence a political decision, either by the European Parliament or by any other of the Member States or political institutions listed in Article 7(1) and (2) TEU. It is precisely the political nature of such decisions and the political majorities which they require which explain why in practice they remain extremely rare, despite the poor record of some Member States on this score.

The same holds true for derogations under Article 15 of the Convention, which are listed by Protocol No 24 as the first legal basis for a derogation from the general inadmissibility of applications from EU citizens: they are fundamentally political decisions made by Contracting States to the Convention and remain extremely rare. They are no reliable indicator of the level of compliance of the EU Member States with Article 3 of the Convention which, because it prohibits ill-treatment and non-refoulement (N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, § 188), is the relevant Convention provision in this context. Only in 2025 did the ECtHR find 28 substantial violations of that provision by EU Member States.

At any rate, the scope for derogations from the inadmissibility rule laid down by Protocol No 24 is extremely narrow. The Bologna Tribunal nonetheless considered it to be applicable to the case at hand and, in view of its own investigations and those of the European Parliament, decided to grant the applicant refugee status on account of her belonging to a social group which is the victim of systemic discrimination and persecution in Hungary.

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The question nonetheless arises as to what would happen with applications for international protection by EU citizens which do not meet the restrictive conditions for a exception under Protocol No 24, notably because the applicants are nationals of EU Member States against which no decision under Article 7 (1) or (2) TEU has been taken.

Sub-paragraph (d) of the sole Article of Protocol No 24 provides for the possibility for a Member State to “decide unilaterally in respect of the application of a national of another Member State”. This possibility may in practice turn out to be an obligation under the Convention.

This is because EU law does not displace the Convention and because the latter covers the entire legal systems of the EU Member States, including EU law. Moreover, there is no primacy of EU law over the Convention. As a consequence, national judges must apply EU law in conformity with the Convention (Bivolaru and Moldovan v. France; M.B. v. the Netherlands) and, more importantly in the present context, such EU law restrictions have no impact on the scope of the Convention.

In respect of applications for international protection by EU citizens, this means that the inadmissibility of such an application under Protocol No 24 does not remove the obligation on national judges to examine the same application under Article 3 of the Convention. While the right to asylum is not as such protected by the Convention as it is by Article 18 of the EU-Charter, its Article 3 largely coincides with the principle of non-refoulement which prohibits the deportation of a person to a country where he or she would run a real risk of being the victim of ill-treatment (N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, § 188). Such ill-treatment can, for example, result from serious levels of persecution and discrimination on account of the ethnicity or the sexual orientation of a person (as in V.C. v. Slovakia, M.C. and A.C. v. Romania or Hanovs v. Latvia), as it can result from horrible conditions of detention (as in Bivolaru and Moldovan v. France) .

In the latter Strasbourg cases, all directed against EU Member States, the ECtHR found violations of Articles 3 and 14 of the Convention which were not isolated cases but rather the result of certain widespread patterns of behaviour or structural problems in the EU Member States concerned. Yet none of these Member States has been targeted so far by decisions taken on the basis of Article 7 TEU. Consequently, any application for international protection by nationals of these Member States challenging their forced transfer back to their home country would, under EU law, have to be automatically rejected as inadmissible, with no consideration of their merits.

However, if the persecutions and discriminations invoked can be assumed to reach the minimum level of severity required under Article 3 of the Convention, in addition to being sufficiently widespread to constitute a serious risk affecting a group of people to which the applicant belongs (see, to that effect, Khasanov and Rakhmanov v. Russia, §§ 95 et seq.), automatically rejecting such an application as inadmissible for lack of decisions under Article 7 TEU would amount to a potential violation of this Article 3. The nationality of the applicant indeed plays no role under the Convention.

In concrete terms, if a Roma applicant like the one in V.C. v. Slovakia had left this country because of a serious risk of forced sterilisation or other form of ill-treatment and was to be forcibly returned to her home country, the judge of the country of residence could not without breaching Article 3 reject her application for international protection as being inadmissible under EU law.

This is where sub-paragraph (d) of the sole Article of Protocol No 24 turns out to be helpful. It saves national judges from breaching EU law as a consequence of their compliance with the Convention. Indeed, when the other exceptions from the general inadmissibility under Protocol No 24 do not apply, while Article 3 of the Convention nonetheless prohibits the return of a EU citizen to his/her home country, relying on sub-paragraph (d) is no longer a discretionary option but becomes a necessity prompted by the obligation to comply with the Convention.

That said, even without sub-paragraph (d) compliance with the Convention would be mandatory for national judges, in the absence of primacy of EU law over the Convention.

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Three short conclusions emerge from the above:

  • EU law does not displace the Convention; rather, EU law must be applied in conformity with the Convention.
  • With no primacy of EU law over the Convention, EU law restrictions on the scope of fundamental rights have no impact on the scope of the Convention.
  • Consequently, national judges rejecting an application for international protection by an EU citizen in accordance with sub-paragraphs (a), (b) and (c) of Protocol No 24 to the TFEU are not dispensed from examining the case under Article 3 of the Convention and, as the case may be, applying the safeguard clause in sub-paragraph (d).

Trends 2021-26: An updated and enriched version of the paper taking stock of the interplay between the European Convention on Human Rights and EU Law

An new version of the “Trends”-paper is now available. It is an updated and enriched version of its predecessors, reflecting the latest case-law developments discussed on this blog, including some new topics such as climate change, sports arbitration or hybrid entities.

From Full Coverage to Patchwork Coverage: The Convention in the Age of Hybrid EU Actors – Judgment of the CJEU in WS and Others v. Frontex

The ruling by the CJEU in WS and Others v. Frontex (C-679/23 P, 18.12.2025), given on an appeal against a judgment by the General Court (T-600/21), represents a clarification of the fundamental rights obligations of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), with significant implications for the Convention protection system.

The facts underlying this ruling involve a Syrian Kurdish family consisting of two parents and four children who arrived on the Greek island of Milos in October 2016. Shortly after their arrival, they were transferred to a reception and identification centre, where they expressed their desire to apply for international protection. The family was nonetheless deported to Turkey, via a joint return operation coordinated by Frontex.

The family alleged that this removal occurred without any written or enforceable return decisions being issued by the Greek authorities, which they argued violated the principle of non-refoulement and their fundamental rights.

The family sued Greece before the ECtHR, resulting in a friendly settlement where Greece agreed to pay the family a total of 75,000 euros for damages.

In September 2021, the family brought an action for damages against Frontex in the General Court, seeking approximately 136,000 euros for material and non-material harm.

The current ruling by the CJEU arose from the family’s appeal after the General Court had dismissed their claim, primarily on the grounds that there was no direct causal link between Frontex’s actions and the family’s damages. The CJEU disagreed with these findings and referred the case back to the General Court.

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One of the main findings of this ruling on which this post will concentrate is that, contrary to what the General Court had considered, Frontex (European Border and Coast Guard Agency), as an Agency of the EU created in order to improve the integrated management of the external border of the EU (Hamoudi v. Frontex, § 66), cannot escape all extra-contractual liability when it cooperates with Member States to ensure the return of asylum seekers.

In the case at hand, the liability invoked by the appellants mainly concerned a) their inclusion in a return operation from Greece to Turkey without them having been the subject of written return decisions, and b) infringements of their fundamental rights committed during their return flight to Turkey, notably the principle of non-refoulement.

The General Court had denied the existence of a direct causal link between the alleged damage and Frontex’s actions, considering that the latter were of the sole responsibility of Greece. In its opinion, Frontex only had to provide technical and operational support to the Member States (§ 92). It had no obligations in respect of joint return operations organized by the Member States (§ 124).

However, the CJEU is of a different opinion. Referring to Article 51(1) of the EU-Charter and the relevant provisions of Regulation 2016/1624 on the European Border and Coast Guard – now replaced by Regulation 2019/1896 – it comes to the conclusion that “in the light of the specific obligations which Regulation 2016/1624 imposes on Frontex in the context of the coordination of joint return operations, that agency is required to verify that such decisions exist for all persons whom a Member State intends to include in such operations, in order to ensure that they comply with the requirements arising from that regulation and with the fundamental rights of the persons concerned, and in particular the principle of non-refoulement.” (§ 102)

As regards the damage allegedly incurred by the appellants as a result of their forced return to Turkey, the CJEU ruled that while, under Article 42(1) of Regulation 2016/1624, the host Member State is in principle to be held liable for any damage caused by members of the European Border and Coast Guard, Frontex is nonetheless under a set of obligations intended to ensure respect for fundamental rights in the context of joint return operations. It can therefore not be excluded a priori that a breach of those obligations by its departments or staff in the context of a particular operation may have contributed to infringements of fundamental rights taking place during a return flight (§ 132).

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From a Convention point of view, this ruling is particularly interesting in that it confirms that the hybrid structure of the European Border and Coast Guard (EBCG), resulting from its institutional and operational association of national and EU components, also produces a hybrid form of non-contractual liability for breach of fundamental rights, with Frontex bearing part of that liability, along with the Member States. As Recital 6 of Regulation 2016/1624 puts it, the European integrated border management is a matter of shared responsibility of Frontex and the national authorities responsible for border management.

In this respect, the EBCG bears some resemblance with the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO), which is another hybrid EU entity operating on the basis national and EU authorities cooperating on the ground (see An Elephant in the Room: the European Convention on Human Rights and the EPPO).

EBCG and EPPO represent a challenge for the Convention system in that they both rely in part on EU entities and officers which, because the EU is not itself a Contracting Party to the Convention, are not subject to the latter (on this, see Bosphorus v. Ireland, § 152), whereas the national components of EBCG and EPPO are. This results in a legal duality as regards the fundamental rights applicable to the actions which these two bodies undertake. Consequently, potential victims of these actions must base their claims on different sets of fundamental rights. Not only does this represent a heavier burden for these persons, it is also a challenge to legal certainty and legal coherence. The impact of the EPPO hybrid structure on the application of the Convention has been described in detail in No case to answer for the EPPO?.

WS and Others is a perfect illustration of this duality and of the resulting increased complexity. Indeed, before going before the General Court with their claim against Frontex based only on EU law, the appellants had filed an application against Greece with the ECtHR, which gave rise to a friendly settlement, based on the sole Convention (§ 35). In this connection, the CJEU also makes it clear that the non-contractual liability to be assumed by Frontex is under EU law only (§ 127).

From a Convention perspective, these hybrid constructions operating within the territory and jurisdiction of the Member States represent a new situation. It is no longer a Bosphorus-type scenario in which national authorities are the sole bodies responsible for applying EU law and thereby ensuring the full application of the Convention to all actions undertaken by them, even when those actions are based on EU law. Instead, full coverage by the Convention is being replaced by a “patchwork coverage”, with gaps in the Convention’s applicability emerging where actions within the jurisdiction of the Member States are carried out by EU entities or officers acting on behalf of the EU itself and therefore not subject to the Convention. (Bosphorus v. Ireland, §§ 137 and 152).

In the specific context of Europol, which is another hybrid entity, the CJEU even acknowledged a form of joint and several liability between Europol and a Member State, allowing a claim for compensation for a breach of the confidentiality of personal data to be brought in its entirety either before the EU courts or before the national courts, at the claimant’s choice (Kočner v. Europol).

In response to these concerns, one may of course refer to the EU-Charter and its Article 52(3) which is designed to ensure coherence between the EU and Convention protection levels. However, in spite of this Article 52(3), which is meant to guarantee compliance with the Convention as minimum protection level under EU law, this compliance in practice turns out to be purely optional in the case-law of the CJEU, resulting in some significant protection deficits (see A logical response to the optionality of the Convention).

Moreover, this “patchwork coverage” clashes with the principle according to which “Article 1 [of the Convention] … does not exclude any part of a Contracting Party’s ‘jurisdiction’ from scrutiny under the Convention” (Bosphorus v. Ireland, § 153). With hybrid EU entities ensuring part of the law-enforcement in the Member States, part of what is taking place within the “jurisdiction” of the Member States now falls outside the scope of the Convention and is therefore no longer subject to the external scrutiny by the ECtHR.

Yet, this external scrutiny by the ECtHR has always been seen as an essential component of an effective protection of fundamental rights in Europe. This is also why the European legislature in Art. 6(2) TEU enjoined the EU to accede to the Convention. The rise of EU hybrid entities is one more good reason for the EU to go ahead with this accession, as it would put an end to the patchwork coverage by the Convention in this area, by making the EU and its entities subject to the Convention, on an equal footing with the Member States (on the current state of the accession process, see The European Commission requests an opinion by the CJEU). In the meantime, however, the patchwork coverage will continue. It can therefore only be hoped that the optionality of the Convention in EU law will not.

A judicial, comprehensive and flexible Strasbourg response to climate change: judgment of the ECtHR in Greenpeace Nordic and Others v. Norway

In the case of Greenpeace Nordic and Others v. Norway (28.10.2025, 34068/21), the ECtHR handed down its fourth judgment on the duties of the Sates as regards climate change. It provides a good opportunity to compare the Strasbourg approach with the EU approach to climate change as such, as it is set out in Regulation 2021/1119 establishing the framework for achieving climate neutrality (‘European Climate Law’), implementing part of the European Green Deal.

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The principal facts of this case were summarized in the ECtHR’s press release as follows (emphasis added):

The applicants are six Norwegian nationals born between 1995 and 2001 who live in Oslo, and two non-governmental organisations, Greenpeace Nordic and Young Friends of the Earth Norway, based in Norway. The individual applicants are all current or former members of Young Friends of the Earth.

On 10 June 2016 the Ministry of Petroleum and Energy awarded ten licences to 13 private companies for petroleum gas production on the Norwegian continental shelf, where Norway’s offshore petroleum activities take place. The two applicant organisations sought a review of the validity of that decision. On 4 January 2018 the Oslo City Court held that the decision had been valid.

On 22 December 2020 the Supreme Court dismissed an appeal by the applicants, holding, by a majority of 11 votes to 4, that the decision granting the licences had been valid and finding that the effects of possible future emissions as a result of the licences awarded did not constitute an “immediate risk” and, consequently, that the issue did not fall within Article 8 of the Convention.

Relying on Articles 2 (right to life) and 8 (right to respect for private and family life), the applicants complained that, before issuing the petroleum production licences, the authorities had not conducted an environmental impact assessment (“an EIA”) of the potential impact of petroleum extraction on Norway’s obligations to mitigate climate change.

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Greenpeace Nordic focusses on Article 8 of the Convention and the procedural obligations of the State when granting licences in the context of petroleum exploration and extraction, considered within the State’s broader duty to effectively protect individuals from serious adverse effects of climate change on their life, health, well-being and quality of life (§ 317).

Before addressing these procedural aspects, the ECtHR rejected the victim status of the individual applicants, but not that of the two NGOs, and recalled the following key substantive principles which it identified in its seminal ruling in Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and Others v. Switzerland. These principles are:

  • Under Article 8 of the Convention States must ensure effective protection of persons within their jurisdiction from serious harms to life, health, well-being, and quality of life caused by climate change.
  • States have a primary duty to adopt and effectively implement regulations and measures that can mitigate current and potentially irreversible future climate impacts.
  • States retain a wide margin of appreciation in deciding how to fulfil their climate-related obligations.
  • Climate protection should weigh heavily when balancing it against competing interests. (§§ 314-316)

The ECtHR then identified the following procedural requirements applicable in the context of the licencing of dangerous activities having an impact on climate change:

  • Before authorising any potentially dangerous activity, States must conduct an environmental impact assessment (EIA) that is adequate, timely, comprehensive, undertaken in good faith, and based on the best available science.
  • The purpose of the EIA is to safeguard individuals’ right to effective protection from serious climate-related risks to their life, health, well-being, and quality of life.
  • For petroleum production projects, the EIA must at minimum include:
    • A quantification of all anticipated greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, including combustion emissions both domestically and abroad.
    • An assessment by public authorities of whether the project is compatible with national and international obligations to take effective measures against the adverse effects of climate change.
  • Informed public consultation must occur early, when all options remain open and pollution can still be effectively prevented at the source.

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Applying these criteria to the case at hand, the ECtHR noted that Norway’s petroleum activities operated under a three-stage regulatory framework involving a strategic EIA before opening areas to exploration, no formal EIA requirement during the licensing (exploration) stage, and an EIA and public consultation – subject to possible waivers – at the Plan for Development and Operation (PDO) stage prior to extraction, with both later stages subject to judicial review.

The ECtHR found that the assessments leading to the 2016 decision were not fully comprehensive, as key climate-related impacts, including exported combustion emissions, were deferred to later stages or to general climate policy. It noted that several extraction projects had been authorised without assessing combustion emissions, a practice that could undermine the purpose of timely and comprehensive EIAs.

However, the ECtHR gave greater weight to structural developments strengthening compliance: the Norwegian Supreme Court’s recognition of a constitutional duty not to approve PDOs inconsistent with climate considerations, the EFTA Court’s ruling requiring retrospective EIAs to remedy omissions without circumventing the law, and the Government’s assurance that combustion-emission assessments and public consultations would occur before decisions. Finding no structural deficiencies in the system and concluding that deferred EIAs could still satisfy Article 8 requirements, the ECtHR held that there had been no violation of Article 8 and that it was not necessary to examine separately the complaints under Article 2 of the Convention.

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At this stage, it is worth asking what the specificity and added value of the Strasbourg approach to climate change is, when compared with the EU approach, as set out in Regulation 2021/1119. To answer this question, one should first briefly recapitulate the main elements of that Regulation.

In essence, Regulation 2021/1119 establishes a framework for achieving climate neutrality within the EU by 2050 and provides for a binding EU target of a net domestic reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions by at least 55% (compared to 1990 levels) by 2030. The relevant Union institutions and the Member States must take the necessary measures at Union and national level, respectively, to enable the collective achievement of the climate-neutrality objective. To that effect, intermediate climate targets have been defined in Article 4 of the Regulation.

Interestingly, under the Regulation it is for the European Commission to assess the progress made at national and EU level made towards achieving its goals (Art. 6 to 8). To that effect, the Commission must, inter alia, assess every 5 years the progress which the EU and the Member States have made towards the 2050 and adaptation objectives, and to assess whether the EU and national measures towards those objectives are consistent. It must also evaluate whether draft EU measures and legislation, including budgetary proposals, are consistent with the 2030 and 2040 targets and the 2050 climate-neutrality objectives.

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When comparing the EU approach with the Strasbourg approach, one should first note the broad agreement between them on the need to tackle climate change through both long-term and intermediate greenhouse gas emissions reduction targets (Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz, § 550). To some extent, the targets set out in Regulation 2021/1119 therefore also represent the way chosen by the EU Member States to fulfil their obligations under Article 8 of the Convention. By setting 2050 as the target date for climate neutrality, the Member States even intend to be quicker than required by the ECtHR, which considers that this neutrality should be reached “within, in principle, the next three decades” (§ 548). That said, the ECtHR also acknowledges that current global mitigation efforts are not sufficient to meet the target of limiting the rise in temperature to 1.5° C above pre-industrial levels, as set in the Paris Agreement (§ 436).

However, the Strasbourg approach, grounded in the activity of the ECtHR, is also characterized by significant specificities that represent added value compared with the EU approach.

First, there is a fundamental difference between the ECtHR’s judicial review of States’ compliance with obligations arising from internationally protected fundamental rights, invoked by citizens and associations, and the European Commission’s non-judicial assessment of the “progress” made by Member States in achieving goals that they themselves have set. The ECtHR itself highlighted the importance of access to justice in this field (§ 639). Of course, the European Commission could theoretically initiate infringement proceedings before the CJEU under Articles 258-260 TFEU, but such a move might remain rather exceptional in this context.

At the same time, because of the complexity of the issues and the State’s margin of appreciation, the ECtHR declines to prescribe specific compliance measures and leaves it to the respondent State, under the supervision of the Committee of Ministers, to determine and implement appropriate measures in line with the judgment (§ 657).

The Strasbourg approach also constitutes confirmation, at the highest European judicial level and in line with the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion on the Obligations of States in respect of Climate Change, that the duty to protect the environment and the climate is a legal obligation directly flowing from enforceable fundamental rights, primarily Article 8 of the Convention. By contrast, Regulation (EU) 2021/1119 contains only one reference, in Recital 6 of its Preamble, to Article 37 of the EU Charter, which however does not lay down an enforceable right.

Being primarily based on Article 8 of the Convention, and thus not hinging on any legislative act interpreting that provision in the climate change context, the Strasbourg approach also allows for greater flexibility in adjusting the requirements to the national situation at hand, together with greater speed in addressing a compliance issue, including by national courts. The ECtHR indeed emphasised “the key role which domestic courts have played and will play in climate-change litigation” (§ 639). This might allow national courts and the ECtHR to hear cases brought against EU Member States under Article 8 of the Convention. For its part, however, the European Commission has the advantage of being empowered to assess the situation not only at national but also at EU level, which the ECtHR is prevented from doing.

A striking example of the ECtHR’s greater flexibility is to be found precisely in Greenpeace Nordic, where the ECtHR inferred requirements from Article 8 of the Convention concerning procedures for granting petroleum extraction licences.

This stands in contrast to the CJEU, which is far more reluctant to treat fundamental rights, considered autonomously, as the starting point of its analysis. This might also be due to Article 51(2) of the EU-Charter, according to which the fundamental rights of the Charter are not allowed to extend the field of application of Union law beyond the powers of the Union. Moreover, as matters currently stand, the CJEU is hardly accessible by individuals or associations complaining about climate change, owing to its very strict interpretation of Article 263(4) TFEU (see the Joint Factsheet by the Registry of the ECtHR and the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights).

Finally, Greenpeace Nordic highlights another defining feature of the Strasbourg approach – once again in contrast with the Luxembourg approach – namely its openness to international law and jurisprudence. In line with Verein KlimaSeniorinnen Schweiz and many others, Greenpeace Nordic indeed extensively relies on the Advisory Opinions on climate change by the International Court of Justice, the EFTA Court, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (§§ 321-324). The ECtHR even indirectly added weight to the existing international law on climate change by ordering the Norwegian authorities to assess whether the planned activity is compatible with their obligations under national and international law to take effective measures against the adverse effects of climate change (§ 319).

*             *             *

In sum, the open-ended structure of Article 8, together with its enforceable nature, allows the ECtHR to advance legally binding case-law that addresses, in a comprehensive, flexible and timely manner, the urgent problem posed by climate change, pending any support from the CJEU in this field. That said, there is no doubt that, when faced with the immense challenge of rapidly and effectively addressing ongoing climate change, Strasbourg, Brussels, and Luxembourg – in close cooperation with national courts, as suggested by the ECtHR – must join forces.

What a difference a composition makes… Comparing AW ‘T’ with Walesa v. Poland on the lack of judicial independence and the use of extraordinary appeals in Poland

AW ‘T’ (4.9.2025, C-225/22) is another ruling by the CJEU on the rule-of-law crisis in Poland and the consequences to be drawn of the fact that, because of serious flaws in the procedure for the appointment of its members, the Chamber of Extraordinary Review and Public Affairs (CERPA) of the Polish Supreme Court cannot be regarded as an independent and impartial court previously established by law (see, among others, Krajowa Rada Sądownictwa). This time, the issue was about the effects of a decision by the CERPA upholding an extraordinary appeal lodged by the Prosecutor General.

The facts of the case can be summarized as follows. In 2004, AW ‘T’ filed a lawsuit against other companies claiming infringement of industrial property rights and unfair competition related to crossword puzzle magazines. After years of litigation, the Cracow Court of Appeal issued a final judgment in 2006. However, in 2020, the Prosecutor General filed an extraordinary appeal against the 2006 judgment, arguing procedural violations. The CERPA upheld the appeal in 2021, overturned the 2006 judgment, and referred the case back to the Court of Appeal for re-examination. The Court of Appeal referred the matter to the CJEU, seeking clarification on whether EU law allowed it to disregard the CERPA’s decision because of the serious flaws in the procedure which had led to the appointment of its members, thus raising doubts about its independence.  

In essence, the CJEU ruled that the principle of the primacy of EU law requires national courts to disregard national rules or decisions that conflict with EU law, including those of constitutional courts. Consequently, decisions by judicial bodies which do not meet the EU law requirements of independence, impartiality, and lawful establishment must be regarded as null and void by lower courts. Thus, the Cracow Court of Appeal should assess, in light of the criteria listed by the CJEU, whether the CERPA meets these requirements. If not, it is prevented under EU law from carrying out the re-examination ordered by the CERPA.

Interestingly, in Wałęsa v. Poland (23.11.2023, 50849/21), the ECtHR also had to deal with an extraordinary appeal lodged by the Polish Prosecutor General before the CERPA. This time, the CERPA had reversed a Court of Appeal judgment in favour of the applicant in a defamation case and had dismissed the latter’s claim. The applicant is a former leader of the “Solidarity” (Solidarność) trade union, a former President of Poland (from 1990 to 1995) and laureate of the 1983 Nobel Peace Prize.

AW ‘T’ and Wałęsa v. Poland thus provide a good opportunity to compare the Luxembourg and Strasbourg approaches on the legal consequences of the CERPA not being an independent and impartial court, which is an essential issue in the context of the rule-of-law crisis in Poland, with implications for similar constellations in other European countries.

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A first observation in this context is the consensus between the two European Courts on the fact that the CERPA lacks the necessary independence and impartiality for it to be considered a proper court for the purposes of the Convention and EU law.

In AW ‘T’, the CJEU recalled its ruling in Krajowa Rada Sądownictwa (C-718/21, 21.12.2023) in which it explicitly followed the conclusion reached by the ECtHR in Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v. Polandto the effect that because of the manner in which its members had been appointed, the CERPA could not have the status of an independent and impartial tribunal previously established by law, for the purposes of the second subparagraph of Article 19(1) TEU, read in the light of the second paragraph of Article 47 of the EU-Charter (§ 49).

In Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v. Poland, the ECtHR indeed concluded as follows:

The breaches of the domestic law that [the ECtHR] had established, arising from non-compliance with the rule of law, the principle of the separation of powers and the independence of the judiciary, inherently tarnished the impugned appointment procedure. A procedure for appointing judges disclosing undue influence of the legislative and executive powers on the appointment of judges was per se incompatible with Article 6 § 1 of the Convention and, as such, amounted to a fundamental irregularity adversely affecting the whole process and compromising the legitimacy of a court composed of the judges so appointed. In sum, the breaches in the procedure for the appointment of judges to the CERPA of the Supreme Court were found to have been of such gravity that they impaired the very essence of the applicants’ right to a ‘tribunal established by law.’” (§§ 348-350)

Consequently, according to the CJEU, the competent panel of the CERPA had not met the requirements of effective judicial protection, as prescribed by the above provisions. Its composition was “such as to give rise to reasonable doubts, in the minds of individuals, as to the imperviousness of those judges and the panel in which they sit to external factors, in particular the direct or indirect influence of the national legislature and executive and their neutrality with respect to the interests before them. Those factors were thus capable of leading to a lack of appearance of independence or impartiality on the part of those judges and that body likely to undermine the trust which justice in a democratic society governed by the rule of law must inspire in those individuals” (§ 50).

Indeed, the presence, in the judicial body concerned, of a single judge appointed in such circumstances is sufficient to deprive that body of its status as an independent and impartial tribunal previously established by law (§ 57).

The remarkable consequence drawn from this conclusion by the CJEU is that, having regard to the primacy of EU law, the Court of Appeal should disregard, as being null and void, the decision by the CERPA ordering the Court of Appeal to re-examine the case in which the same Court of Appeal had already handed down a final judgment, regardless of the fact that this decision had the force of res judicata.

Accordingly, there was no need for the CJEU to engage in an assessment of the extraordinary appeal as such, as the decision of the CERPA to uphold it was null and void and could be disregarded. That was already the end of the story for the CJEU.

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Not so in Wałęsa v. Poland. The res judicata at stake here was not, as in AW ‘T’, the one attaching to the decision of the CERPA but the one attaching to the final judgment of the Court of Appeal which was set aside by the CERPA. Thus, the issue before the ECtHR was not only, as for the CJEU, the independence and impartiality of the CERPA, but whether there had been an abuse of the extraordinary appeal by the CERPA, making that appeal an ordinary appeal in disguise.

This difference has everything to do with the different position of the ECtHR and the different timing of its intervention in the judicial process, as pertinently observed by Advocate General Spielmann in paragraph 82 of his Opinion in AW ‘T’:

“The role of the Court of Justice when giving a preliminary ruling is to give national courts ex ante indications on how to apply EU law and not to determine ex post the existence of an infringement in a specific case, as is the case with the European Court of Human Rights. Thus, with regard to the requirements relating to an independent and impartial tribunal previously established by law, the Court has entrusted the national courts, as ordinary courts operating under EU law, with the task of monitoring compliance with those requirements and, where necessary, restoring the effectiveness of judicial protection in the Member States concerned.”

In other words, in AW ‘T’, the preliminary ruling by the CJEU disqualifying the CERPA prevented, at the level of the Cracow Court of Appeal, the extraordinary appeal from having any effect. By contrast, in Wałęsa v. Poland, the extraordinary appeal led to a judgment by the CERPA overturning the final judgment of the Court of Appeal and dismissing the applicant’s claims. The ECtHR was therefore called on to rule on the use and the effects of the extraordinary appeal in this case.

The ECtHR did not prohibit in the abstract any use of extraordinary appeals. Neither did it consider the composition of the CERPA as automatically entailing an abusive use of an extraordinary appeal. Rather, the flawed composition of the CERPA was only one aspect to be taken into account by the ECtHR, next to other criteria such as the public bodies authorised by law to lodge an extraordinary appeal, the grounds for lodging an extraordinary appeal, the time-limits for lodging an extraordinary appeal and the powers and characteristics of the adjudicating body (§§ 228-239).

In light of these criteria, the ECtHR found that the extraordinary appeal procedure as currently operating in Poland was incompatible with the fair trial standards and the principle of legal certainty under Article 6 § 1. This was because the circumstances of the case indicated an abuse of the extraordinary appeal by the State authority in pursuance of its own political opinions and motives. Accordingly, the ECtHR found no circumstances of a substantial and compelling nature that would justify the departure from the principle of res judicata in respect of the overturned judgment (§§ 254-255).

However, in contrast with the CJEU judgment in AW ‘T’, where the overturned final judgment was protected in the end, the judgment in Walesa v. Poland does not (yet) have the effect of restoring the overturned judgment.

It may nonetheless have a wider impact, since in view of the systemic nature of the violations found, the ECtHR decided to apply the pilot-judgment procedure (Rule 61 of the Rules of Court) as well as Article 46 of the Convention. Under the latter provision, the ECtHR indeed gave rather clear indications on the measures to be taken by the Polish government in order to remedy the situation on a larger scale, under the supervision of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe (§§ 328-332).

This approach resulted from the fact that, in the ECtHR’s opinion, the violations found of Article 6 § 1 of the Convention originated in the interrelated systemic problems connected with the malfunctioning of domestic legislation and practice caused by several factors, including (a) a defective procedure for judicial appointments involving the National Council of the Judiciary, (b)  the resulting lack of independence on the part of the CERPA, (c)  the exclusive competence of the CERPA in matters involving a plea of lack of independence on the part of a judge or a court, (d)  the defects of the extraordinary-appeal procedure, and (e) the exclusive competence of the CERPA to deal with extraordinary appeals.

Interrestingly, the deficiencies thus identified to a large extent stem from the Polish laws which, in Commission v. Poland (Indépendance et vie privée des juges) (5.6.2023, C-204/21), the CJEU found in infringement proceedings to be in breach of EU law. One may therefore expect, as in the cases of Ilva and Cordella (see Two Courts, Two Paths: Comparing Europe’s Environmental Jurisprudence), some “synergies” between the European Commission and the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in their efforts to bring the Polish judiciary in line with their common European standards.

Meanwhile, on 17 November 2025, the processing of currently about 1100 applications pending before the ECtHR concerning the “rule-of-law crisis” in Poland has been further adjourned until 23 November 2026, at the request of the Polish government, to give it more time to adopt general measures following the Wałęsa v. Poland pilot judgment (see the press release to that effect).

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When asking what the bottom line of the above considerations is, the following considerations come to mind.

  1. Both European Courts are determined to fight populist agendas aiming at weakening the rule of law and judicial independence. They agree on the substance of the requirements which these values entail (on this, see also Populism on Trial: The European Courts’ Response to a Common Challenge).
  2. The AW ‘T’ ex ante approach seems like a quick fix, protecting the res judicata of judgments being challenged through extraordinary appeals. From an applicant’s perspective it represents a preventive and therefore higher protection standard, which is entirely compatible with the Convention (see Art. 53). It may however leave the national judges applying the AW ‘T’ doctrine and disregarding judgments of a higher court in a somewhat delicate, unprotected position in the Polish judiciary.
  3. By contrast, the Strasbourg ex post approach is slower but more comprehensive, thus benefiting a greater number of victims of the abuse of the extraordinary appeal. Indeed, 1100 applications concerning this systemic problem are currently pending before the ECtHR. However, this approach is also requiring a higher level of cooperation by the domestic authorities.
  4. Both approaches in the end reinforce each other and are therefore to be welcomed.

Populism on Trial: The European Courts’ Response to a Common Challenge

How do the two European Courts courts address the challenges posed by populism in today’s Europe? What strategies do they share, and where do they differ?

These were the central questions I explored in a presentation entitled Populism: A Common Challenge for the European Courts, delivered on 20 October at a conference organized by the Pompeu Fabra University of Barcelona on “Europe’s Constitutional Stress Test: Judicial Resilience in an Age of Populism” (see the programme below).

The presentation began from the premise that populist movements focus their attacks on both democratic values – such as the rule of law, human dignity, freedom of expression, the protection of minorities, and the prohibition of hate and violence – and democratic institutions, including national courts and parliaments.

Accordingly, the analysis compared the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union with respect to each of these “targets,” supported by numerous illustrative excerpts from relevant judgments.

The findings revealed that the two European Courts pursue similar strategies. When democratic values are challenged, their common approach is to reaffirm these values by emphasizing their essential role in preserving the democratic character of European societies. When national courts and parliaments come under attack, the Courts’ focus shifts to safeguarding their proper functioning as a means of fostering citizens’ trust in democratic institutions.

The main conclusions of the presentation can be summarized as follows:

  • The ECtHR addresses a somewhat broader range of issues drawn from the democratic acquis.
  • On matters of shared concern, there is substantial alignment between Strasbourg and Luxembourg, notwithstanding some differences in formulation (on these differences and their importance, see also The very essence or mere appearances?). Given divergences in other legal domains, this convergence is noteworthy and commendable.
  • Judicial independence is the area of greatest convergence between the two Courts, which is unsurprising, as it is also the area most directly targeted by populist attacks.
  • Three significant challenges remain: the execution of European judgments, the spread of fake news and disinformation, and the composition of the European Courts themselves.
  • Finally, even acting in concert, the European Courts cannot ultimately succeed in defending democracy without the sustained support of a democratic majority among citizens.

Full details of the analysis, along with case law references and relevant excerpts, can be found in the accompanying PowerPoint presentation.

In search of a missing holistic approach: judgment of the CJEU in Nuratau

In the case of Nuratau (5.6.2025, C-349/24), the CJEU ruled on the interpretation of Article 3 of the Qualification Directive (2011/95), which allows EU Member States to adopt more favourable standards for granting international protection, provided they are compatible with the Directive. ​ The case involved A.B., a third-country national in the Czech Republic, whose application for international protection was rejected three times by the Ministry of the Interior. ​ A.B. argued that his removal to his country of origin would violate his right to private life due to the severing of his ties with the Czech Republic. ​

The CJEU clarified that subsidiary protection under the Qualification Directive is intended to address risks of serious harm in the applicant’s country of origin, such as the death penalty, torture, or threats due to violence. ​ It does not cover risks related to the applicant’s private life in the Member State examining the application. ​ Therefore, national legislation granting subsidiary protection based on the severing of ties with the host Member State is not within the scope of the Directive and cannot be considered a “more favourable standard” under Article 3. ​ Thus, this provision does not allow national legislation to grant subsidiary protection based solely on the risk of breaching the applicant’s right to private life.

However, the CJEU noted that Member States are free to grant residence permits or protection on humanitarian grounds under their national laws for reasons unrelated to the applicant’s country of origin, as long as such protection is distinct from the refugee or subsidiary protection status under the Qualification Directive. ​ Additionally, the Court emphasized that any return decision or removal order made under the Return Directive (2008/115) must respect the fundamental rights of the individual, including the right to private life, as guaranteed by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Consequently, ​a return decision or a removal order cannot be adopted if it infringes the right to respect for the private life of the third-country national concerned.

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This judgment not only highlights the limits of EU law in safeguarding the right to private life within the framework of international protection, it also is a striking example of how the CJEU closes itself off to a holistic approach, even in cases where it would be most needed.

While the CJEU reaffirmed that Member States may adopt more favourable standards under Article 3 of the Qualification Directive, it ruled that such discretion cannot extend to granting subsidiary protection solely on the basis of a risk to private life arising from the severance of personal ties with the host Member State. At the same time, it left open the possibility for Member States to grant residence on humanitarian grounds under national law.

In this domestic context, the CJEU referred to the EU Charter. Mindful of Article 51(1) of that Charter, which limits the latter’s scope to that of EU law, the CJEU established the connection between the applicant’s circumstances and EU law through a possible application of the Return Directive, giving rise to a decision to return or remove the third-country national.  

At this juncture, two important aspects appear to have been overlooked by the CJEU. First, when national authorities, as suggested by the CJEU, rely on domestic law to determine whether a third-country national should be permitted to reside in the country, they are unlikely to base their assessment on the Return Directive, whose very purpose is to facilitate removal rather than residence. Secondly, Article 8 of the Convention remains applicable in any event, even where the Return Directive ultimately governs the case.

This is because under the Convention, domestic courts confronted with a claim that deportation would result in a serious interference with private or family life are required – regardless of whether EU law applies – to assess the claim in light of Article 8. The ECtHR has developed a rich and nuanced body of case law setting out the criteria for such assessments (see the Guide on Article 8 of the Convention, at §§ 328-330)).

Thus, seen from a broader human rights perspective, Nuratau indirectly highlights the importance of the Convention as a complementary, or indeed as the primary safeguard in a context like the present one. While the Convention does not confer any right to asylum or international protection (N.D. and N.T. v. Spain, § 188), its Article 8 does operate to preclude deportation where such deportation would entail a disproportionate interference with the individual’s private or family life.

This principle also finds resonance within EU law through Article 52(3) of the EU-Charter, which provides that rights in the EU-Charter corresponding to those in the Convention must be interpreted consistently with the latter. Thus, even in the context of the Return Directive, the substantive protection offered by Article 8 of the Convention ought to inform the interpretation and application of EU law.

That said, the Convention framework and the EU legal order do not coincide entirely. Article 8 of the Convention, while capable of preventing removal, does not generate the broader entitlements attached to EU subsidiary protection – such as a residence permit, access to employment, education, or social welfare. Where the Qualification Directive does not apply, these matters remain governed by national law.

The outcome is a fragmented landscape in which the level and nature of protection depend on whether the case falls within the scope of EU secondary legislation or instead under the residual guarantees of the Convention. One can only regret the complete silence of the CJEU on the relevance and impact of Article 8 of the Convention in this context.

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Nuratau therefore illustrates, with particular clarity, the complex interaction between EU law, national humanitarian discretion, and the Convention system. It also exposes the CJEU’s reluctance to engage with the broader legal landscape: despite the Convention’s clear relevance in cases such as the present one, the CJEU refrains from acknowledging it as part of the interpretative framework. In doing so, it misses one more opportunity to promote a more integrated approach to fundamental rights protection in Europe – one that would provide clearer guidance to national courts faced with such hybrid cases.

This reluctance is all the more worrying given that there are examples to the contrary. One of them is Dereci and Others, which concerned an issue not too remote from the issue at stake in Nuratau: the right of residence of third country nationals who sought to join their European Union citizen family members. In this case, a Grand Chamber of the CJEU explicitly addressed the interplay between EU law and the Convention in the following way:

“In the present case, if the referring court considers, in the light of the circumstances of the disputes in the main proceedings, that the situation of the applicants in the main proceedings is covered by European Union law, it must examine whether the refusal of their right of residence undermines the right to respect for private and family life provided for in Article 7 of the Charter. On the other hand, if it takes the view that that situation is not covered by European Union law, it must undertake that examination in the light of Article 8(1) of the ECHR. All the Member States are, after all, parties to the ECHR which enshrines the right to respect for private and family life in Article 8.” (§§ 72-73)

In light of this statement, by disregarding the possibility of a more holistic approach and presenting only a limited, fragmented view of the fundamental rights landscape as it exists in practice, Nuratau represents a regrettable step back in the CJEU’s role in assisting domestic courts and citizens in navigating Europe’s complex and fragmented framework of fundamental rights.

Be that as it may, the key takeaway for domestic judges and prosecutors is that Article 8 of the Convention invariably applies to claims by third-country nationals who allege a risk of violation of their right to private or family life in the event of deportation, regardless of whether EU law is applicable.

Two Courts, Two Paths: Comparing Europe’s Environmental Jurisprudence

How do the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union go about protecting the environment? What common features do they share, and what sets them apart? Are their rulings and approaches in conflict, or do they complement each other?

These were the questions I addressed in a presentation given at the conference organised by the Academy of European Law (ERA) on Recent Judgments on Fundamental Rights and Environmental Protection (online, 23–24 September 2025).

The analysis focused on a concrete example: the severe air pollution caused by the Ilva steelworks in Taranto (Italy), the largest industrial steelworks in Europe. Since both European Courts recently dealt with this issue—Cordella and Others v. Italy (54414/13) before the ECtHR and Ilva and Others (C-626/22) before the CJEU—this case-law provided an excellent opportunity to compare the Strasbourg and Luxembourg approaches to environmental pollution.

The comparison shows that the approaches of the two European Courts differ considerably in terms of their legal basis, scope, methodology and impact. While the Strasbourg approach, based on fundamental rights, is more general and comprehensive, the Luxembourg approach, mainly based on secondary legislation, is more specific and detailed. However, these two approaches complement each other. Their mutually reinforcing effect even seems indispensable when addressing complex situations such as those arising from the Ilva case.

The details of the comparison can be found in the enclosed PowerPoint presentation.

On this topic, see also Environmental pollution caused by the Ilva steelworks